The Black Sea Region and EU Policy by Henderson Karen Weaver Carol

Author:Henderson, Karen,Weaver, Carol.
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Taylor & Francis (CAM)
Published: 2016-03-17T16:00:00+00:00

Russia, the US and Turkey: It is getting crowded but there will always be a place for the EU

Russia as the ex-imperial power never really left the South Caucasus after the collapse of the USSR. Under one form or another, its troops remained in Georgia, although now only in the separatist territories; it maintains military bases in Armenia; and even in Azerbaijan, a thousand Russian troops maintain the important radar facility at Gabala. The US whilst only a recent new comer to the region is, as the global power, now well entrenched too. Its special relationship with Georgia may not be as special under President Obama as it was under President Bush but its interests in the region remain and it continues to balance Russian influence, especially in the military and security sphere.

Turkey as the regional power, with a long historical attachment to the region was until recently marginalized. Because of the complex relations with Armenia, its unreserved support for Azerbaijan, suspicions in its relations with Russia, and awkwardness in its relations with Georgia, its ability to take initiatives in the region was greatly restricted. However, a rethink in Turkey on its engagement with the region had been going on for some time prior to the Georgia–Russia war. The Justice and Development (AK) Party government had already been promoting a policy of zero problems with the neighbours, and the Caucasus was perceived in this context. The war gave Turkey the opportunity to seize the moment on two fronts. As the fighting on the ground was still going on, Turkey set up its stall by announcing the launch of a Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform, a proposed dialogue framework between the three South Caucasus states, Russia and Turkey. This Turkish initiative was first mentioned during a visit of Prime Minister Erdogan to Moscow at the height of the Georgia-Russia war. In the words of Turkish diplomats its aim ‘is not to replace already existing mechanisms for resolving the conflicts in the region but rather that it would be an instrument that would address the lack of trust and dialogue between the countries of the region’ (Cevikoz 2009).

Of much more immediate significance however, was Turkey’s efforts to normalize its relations with Armenia. After a number of ‘historic moments’, including a visit by the Turkish President to Armenia, and the Armenian President to Turkey, and after some last minute diplomatic brinkmanship that left even hardened diplomats flushed, the two countries on 10 October 2009 signed protocols aimed at normalizing relations between them, including through the establishment of diplomatic relations and the opening of the borders. Whilst this has weakened Turkish relations with Azerbaijan, at least in the short term, overall the new situation allows Turkey to play a full role as a regional player.

Given the number of external players in the region, and amidst claims that a new ‘Great Game’ was being played by external powers in the Caucasus to the detriment of the region and its people, one could come to the

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